The effects of commercialisation on urban heritage in Tianjin: a study of citizens’ livelihood in the Five Avenues (Wudadao) historical district

Abstract

This article examines the intersection of commercialisation and sustainable development within the context of urban heritage conservation and the related effects on citizens’ livelihoods, with a specific focus on the Five Avenues (hereafter referred to as Wudadao) historical district in Tianjin, China. The Wudadao district, which is known for its complex heritage architecture, historical significance, and multilayered socioeconomic context, offers significant insights through which the challenges and opportunities of urban heritage conservation and urban prosperity can be analysed.

Through mixed-method research—primarily relying on qualitative interviews with local stakeholders concerning the patterns of local conservation challenges and transformations in citizens’ livelihoods, quantitative data collection on tourist motivations and frequency, and a review of conservation policy—this article aims to determine not only how to balance commercialisation with conservation efforts but also how to cocreate social value with citizens to ensure both economic vitalities and to protect historical authenticity and integrity.

The findings indicate that while commercialisation brings essential funds and revitalisation to the area, overcommercialisation raises the risk of gentrification and threatens historical authenticity. This research identifies practices that strike a balance between fostering an economically vibrant district and ensuring that heritage conservation remains at the forefront of development efforts. These findings can act as a blueprint for comparable heritage locations both in China and worldwide.

1 Introduction

Urban heritage, as an embodiment of human history and civilisation, provides invaluable insights into the identities, traditions, and values of communities across the world. However, China's swift economic growth and massive investments in real estate that have occurred since the 1990s have caused frequent demolitions of many historically important sites (Blumenfield and Silverman 2013), and the commercial architectural development pursued by developers, in collaboration with municipal departments, has intensified (Chauffert-Yvart et al. 2020). The main issue of the contraction between economic growth and historical conservation is visible at the local level. Achieving a harmonious balance between heritage conservation and economic development, especially in burgeoning cities, remains a challenge.

This article delves into the dynamic interplay between the commercialisation and sustainable development of urban heritage conservation and its subsequent effects on citizen livelihoods in Tianjin, China. Commercialisation is defined as the adaptive use of renovated historical structures such as shopping arcades, tourism centres, restaurants, cafés, hotels, and office buildings. In this article, the term ‘citizens’ refers to individuals registered with permanent residence in Tianjin and those living or working in Tianjin with household registration in other cities in China. The remaining people without household registration in Tianjin could be classified as tourists, whose spatiotemporal behaviour could be considered according to urban tourism theories (Caldeira and Kastenholz 2018); however, this topic is beyond the scope of this article. Sustainability is used in relation to transformative processes and adaptations in the urban context. Scholars have increasingly emphasised sustainability as a key aspect within the various contexts of urban transformations under research (Koch et al. 2017). This article focuses on ‘people-centred’ urban prosperity by evaluating the transformation of urban space, conditions of living, and economic development through heritage commercialisation, which follows the targets of Sustainable Development Goal 11 (SDG 11) in ‘providing adequate housing, transport facilities, urban settlement planning’ (DESA 2020, 25) (Fig. 1).

Fig. 1

Tianjin city near the Hai River. Night view of Jinwan Plaza (津湾广场) near the Har River and the Tianjin railway station (Source: the author)

With its historical richness and position as a significant port city near the Gulf of Bohai, Tianjin epitomises the dichotomy of traditional cultural values clashing with economic growth. As one of the first cities in China to host Western concessions after the Second Opium War, from 1856 to 1860, its architectural and cultural landscapes narrate a unique fusion of Eastern and Western influences. The commercial utilisation of urban heritage architecture in the former concessions has become a focal point of research in recent decades. In their scholarly work, Xiang et al. (2023) explored how cultural tourism in Tianjin hastened the regeneration of the Five Avenues (五大道, hereafter referred to as Wudadao) district and presented a dynamic depiction that questions Westernised and official views through the regeneration project of Min Yuan Stadium, providing an alternative perspective on postcolonial identity in Chinese cities. Chauffert-Yvart et al. (2020) studied the development of tourism and urban development operations in key sectors such as the Wudadao and the Italian-Style Town as strategies to promote urban heritage, tracing the city's transformation from an industrial centre to a hub that showcases its Chinese and foreign concessions heritage. Liu, Butler, and Zhang (2019) explored the challenge of preserving historical authenticity in urban heritage sites amidst globally established conservation systems and proposed strategies to bridge the gap between heritage expression and public perception in the Wudadao, aiming to enhance the understanding, identity, and sustainable management of urban heritage. However, there is a research gap on the subsequent effects of heritage commercialisation on citizens’ livelihoods. The livelihood of citizens is deeply connected to the destiny of these heritage locations, especially in historical and cultural cities such as Tianjin, where the historic district often serves a combination of cultural, commercial, and residential purposes. With the transformation of urban space and economic structure, citizens could either benefit from employment opportunities, improved infrastructure, and community regeneration or face displacement, the loss of traditional vocations, and altered community dynamics. Hence, the conservation and development strategies adopted in Tianjin have far-reaching implications not only for urban heritage but also for the fabric of society. Through mixed-method research, this article studies the case of the former British concession (from 1860 to 1945) in Tianjin and examines what roles the Wudadao historical and cultural district played in shaping the relationships among urban heritage conservation, urban economic transformation, and urban prosperity through insights into citizens’ livelihoods.

2 How can the Wudadao district be studied?

The current article is based on mixed-methods research. In this approach, qualitative and quantitative data are gathered and analysed independently without being merged or cross-connoted into a single database. The current study primarily utilised qualitative research through the case study method and thematic analysis, complemented by the inclusion of descriptive quantitative data to compare convergence, difference, and combination. The inductive reasoning of the qualitative method allows it to examine intricate, multilayered, and nonlinear issues, which aligns with the study of the commercialisation evolution of urban heritage. In this article, a qualitative research procedure is used to investigate the functional and aesthetic evolution of heritage buildings, the key motives behind urban heritage conservation and commercialisation, and the interplay between commercialisation and human activities across spatial and temporal dimensions.

Semistructured interviews and in-person surveys were used to collect primary data. Document analysis and case study analysis were used to collect secondary data. Documents from the Tianjin Planning Bureau and the Tianjin Municipal Bureau of Land Resources and Housing Administration were reviewed. The qualitative data were collected through semistructured interviews and primarily used to generate themes and patterns of commercialisation transformation and citizens’ livelihoods in the Wudadao district. This approach involved 5 interviews with different stakeholders of urban heritage conservation and commercialisation, namely, 1 resident, 1 private landlord, 1 retired policy-maker, and 2 architectural designers. The interviewees were selected based on their location of residence, length of residency, involvement in construction projects, and expertise in the Wudadao district. All interviewees had 10 to 20 years of living or working experience within the Wudadao district, and some of them had multiple roles as policy-makers, landlords, and residents.

The interviewees were recruited via invitations, and the interviews were combined with physical visits to the historical buildings. To maintain impartiality, the interviewer, who is also the author of this article, positioned herself as an outsider witness, who refrained both from offering any details about her personal identity and positionality or exerting any influence on the interviewee’s responses during the entire interview process. The first interview was conducted with an architectural designer, whose structural knowledge and construction experience inspired the author’s questions for the residents and landlord interviewees regarding the maintenance of the in-house system. Thematic analysis was used to analyse qualitative data on stakeholders’ perceptions from interviews to identify patterns and themes while analysing inductive data. Initial codes were generated by reviewing the transcripts. After examining the codes, some of them were organised into broader themes to answer the specific research question. The quantitative data were collected among tourists through in-person surveys and used to describe the percentage distribution of tourists’ motivations and tourism frequency in the Wudadao district. The survey was distributed in person at Min Yuan Stadium, and simple random sampling was used to select the tourist sample. A total of 132 valid responses were collected from the 150 surveys distributed. The quantitative data on tourist motivations and tourism frequency were then used for descriptive analysis. Below, I present the research findings from the study, which was conducted in the summer of 2023. These findings offer insights into the local challenges and opportunities in urban heritage conservation, the integration of urban heritage commercialisation with conservation plans, and the effects of urban heritage commercialisation on citizens’ livelihoods (Fig. 2).

Fig. 2

Panoramic guide to the Wudadao district. Panoramic guide to the Wudadao district (Source: the author)

3 The microcosm of the Wudadao district in Tianjin: from history to the present

The Wudadao district served as the main portion of the third enlargement of the former British concession, one of the nine former Western concessions in Tianjin. Initially constructed in the 1930s, it is recognised as the concentrated region of ‘Tianjin Western-style structures’. In the 1980s and 1990s, former concession buildings were derided as symbols of the ‘century of humiliation’, but they are now considered impressive parts of Tianjin (Chauffert-Yvart et al. 2020). The Wudadao historic district comprises more than 2,000 Western-style structures, which were conceived and constructed in various European architectural styles in the 1920s and 1930s (Lu et al. 2019) during what was known as the World Architecture Expo in Tianjin. The first generation of residents in these buildings were foreigners with extraterritorial rights. Afterwards, certain members of the fallen royal family of the Qing Dynasty, former warlords, and politicians fled from Beijing to Tianjin and purchased property during the former concession to seek foreign protection (Zhu 2019). These residences were mostly owned by the upper class in society and were thus status and power symbols in Tianjin at the time. After the People’s Republic of China was established in 1949, most of these structures were utilised as offices and dormitories for the officers of the new Chinese government. Based on the housing allocation system of officers, different families working in the same office began to move in and share the building. The influx of refugees from the Tangshan earthquake in 1976 resulted in a notable social status shift among the residents of Wudadao, where the working class supplanted the upper class. Thereafter, the Wudadao district transformed from a luxurious area to a complicated mixed residential area with diverse property rights and housing patterns. In the 1990s, historical structure renovations prompted a shift from purely residential to mixed commercial use, indicating the beginning of commercialisation in the Wudadao district (Fig. 3).

Fig. 3

Photo of the Wudadao district. General introduction of the Wudadao district provided in different languages (Source: the author)

The Wudadao district is currently in a prime location within the He Ping district, which serves as a commercial, educational, and cultural hub in Tianjin and is experiencing enormous development pressure. As a microcosm of China’s modern history, the Wudadao district has rich cultural connotations. However, some historical buildings in the area share a similar state of ambiguous properties, shabby conditions, and lack of maintenance (Leng and Chen 2017). Chauffert-Yvart et al. (2020) argued that the media, citizens and even urban planners and architects in Tianjin do not have a clear perception of the architectural and urban heritage of the city. The administration of heritage conservation in the Wudadao area indicates the challenges and inconsistencies that local governments across urban China have confronted, as well as ongoing learning and adjustment of policy (Leng and Chen 2017).

4 The evolution of urban heritage conservation policies in Tianjin

In 1987, Tianjin claimed to be a ‘National Famous Historical and Cultural City’. In 1994, the initiation of the ‘Wudadao Construction Management and Protection Plan’ launched an extensive overhaul of structures, roads, landscapes, and infrastructure (Zhu 2019, 52) and specified that upgrading the internal system should be the premise for maintaining the original and authentic historical appearance. In 1998, the municipal government established the Tianjin Leading Group for Protecting Historical Landscape Architecture and officially launched a comprehensive renovation and protection project in the Wudadao district in the next year (Zhu 2019, 41). The municipality's plan portrayed a region undergoing transition, aiming for enhanced urban management and sustainable development. In 2005, the former concessions' heritage conservation process accelerated when the Tianjin Municipal Bureau of Land Resources and Housing Administration established the Tianjin Historical Architecture Restoration and Development Company (hereafter referred to as THARD). THARD specialises in maintenance, beautification, renovation, rental, ecological restoration, and professional consultation services for buildings with historical design and architecture. The implementation of any restoration work should be submitted to them for approval. On the other hand, the Tianjin Municipal Administration of Cultural Heritage is focused on implementing national urban heritage preservation policies within Tianjin city in compliance with the directives of the State Administration of Cultural Heritage. The renovations were carried out at this time with a commitment to preserving the authenticity of the historic buildings and their spatial arrangement, ensuring the continued vibrancy of the historical district. In 2011, the Tianjin Planning Bureau, under the supervision of the Ministry of Housing and Urban‒Rural Development, defined ‘14 Historical and Cultural Areas’ and published the municipal-level ‘Guidelines Relative to the Protection of Historical and Cultural Cities’ (Chauffert-Yvart et al. 2020, 7). In 2013, Tianjin published six lists that included a total of 877 historical and comprised more than 1.2 million square metres; these buildings were divided into three different levels of protection: 69 under special protection, 205 under major protection, and 603 under general protection in the 15 urban and rural districts of the city (THBPC, 2013 cited by Chauffert-Yvart et al. 2020). Although the urban heritage conservation regulations are distributed among three offices, the authority for the conservation and development of Tianjin's historical districts and architecture remains extremely centralised to the government both administratively and operationally. The implementation of these policies has led to the removal of many unauthorised and privately built structures, the renovation of aged buildings, and the stringent regulation of the facades of nonhistoric buildings in the vicinity to preserve their historical ambiance. As a result, the current appearance of the Wudadao Historic District has been shaped.

5 Urban heritage-based tourism and commercialisation

Since its comprehensive reform and opening in the last century, China’s economy has gradually become more connected with the rest of the world, and the commercialisation of historic buildings has been continuously attempted as an important pathway to utilise them, with cultural tourism becoming the most important driving mode (Chen and Li 2022). In Tianjin’s 11th Five-Year Plan that covered the period from 2005 to 2010, the municipality launched a tourism campaign to enhance the city’s historical assets. The campaign's theme, ‘Knowing China’s Modern History Through Tianjin’, was based on the city’s Sino-Western architectural features, as indicated by the tagline of the Tianjin Official Tourist Map, ‘Explore Tianjin to discover modern China’. (Chauffert-Yvart et al. 2020). Additionally, the celebrations marking the city's 600th anniversary of its founding in 2004 and the bestowal of a 4A national label raised awareness of potential positioning and opportunities among government officials for the city as a tourism destination (Lu et al. 2019). Under the name ‘European Continent Flair’, the Wudadao area was added to the 2005 tourism campaign ‘Experiencing the modern history of China through Tianjin’ (Wang, Liu, and Liu 2012, 105).

6 Exploring the impact of commercial developments through the adaptive use of core historical structures

Fang et al. (2021) argued that visual sensitivity, which is defined as the resilience of the historical landscape to city construction activities, should be assessed to integrate the Wudadao historic district into urban life and rejuvenate its vitality. According to their analysis, areas with high visual sensitivity within the Wudadao historic district that should be given priority for increased density and improved layout include development hotspots near well-known scenic locations, such as Min Yuan Stadium, Mu Nan Garden, and Prince Qing Mansion; critical planning and development nodes such as Hebei Road and Guilin Road; and regions near public amenities such as schools, bus stops, and parks. Adopting this perspective, this article investigates four significant examples, namely, Min Yuan Terrace, Prince Qing Mansion, Xiannong Courtyard and Min Yuan Stadium, to better understand the adaptation and functional transformation of historical buildings (Fig. 4).

Fig. 4

Information on the restoration projects. Min Yuan Terrace, Prince Qing Mansion, Xiannong Courtyard, and Min Yuan Stadium, location, original built date, renovation period, historical function, commercial function, and contractor (Source: the author)

As indicated in Fig. 4, the first example is Min Yuan Terrace, an experimental project launched by THARD in 2009, which involves different historical buildings under normal protection; located at No. 29–39 Chang De Road, the building was initially designed by Shen Liyuan and built by Tianjin estate company Ji’an in 1939 for their senior staff. The next example is Prince Qing Mansion, located at No. 55 Chong Qing Road; it was originally built in 1922 by Xiao De Zhang. In 1925, the last Qing Prince, Zai Zhen, bought the mansion. In 2011, THARD, Tianjin University, Nankai University, and CCA International took responsibility for its renovation. Xiannong Courtyard was another project undertaken during the 11th Five-Year Plan and was completed in 2013. It is located at the intersection of He Bei Road and Luo Yang Road and was initially designed in 1925 as the residential area for employees of Tientsin Land Investment Co., Ltd. Min Yuan Stadium, which was originally built in 1962 as a stadium for sports competition and is located at No. 83 Chong Qing Road, was renovated from 2012 to 2014 by THARD. Below, I will analyse these sites one by one.

The first example, Min Yuan Terrace, consisted of the renovation of two-story brick and wood structure lane-style buildings to connect blocks with bookstores, art galleries, cafés, bars, and restaurants. However, Leng and Chen (2017) criticised THARD’s unethical behaviours during commercial development, such as pulling down some of the 1,036 historical buildings that had not been included on the conservation list. In Tianjin, the administrative and operational power over historical areas is highly centralised, while the local government and its agencies have a dominant voice in heritage practices and tourism environments (Lu et al. 2019). A volunteer team composed of retired workers, public servants, architecture experts, students, and media employees challenge the planned demolition of Min Yuan Terrace, bringing about a turning point. The team signed the Wudadao Appeal to stop the proposed demolition and outlined their appeal to the central government in 2009. In 2010, Wudadao district was proclaimed a ‘National Historical and Cultural District’ by the Ministry of Culture and the State Administration of Urban Heritage, and the municipal government evaluated the new development strategies to balance market profits and conservation needs (Leng and Chen 2017). The case of Min Yuan Terrace demonstrated that the local community has the power to correct and participate in the local authority’s plan. Meanwhile, the Chinese government can effectively manage relationships with social actors, work with potential prospective adversary forces, and strike a balance among different stakeholders by using a model of government orientation, expert guidance, and social engagement.

The next example is Prince Qing Mansion, which is made of brick and wood and has three stories above ground and one below ground (Shan and Kang 2019). They depicted the Prince Qing Mansion as a fusion of Chinese quadrangle architecture with elements of Western classicism, rendering it the quintessential Chinese-Western structure in the Wudadao district. Following the guidance of the Tianjin Land and Housing Management Bureau, the Prince Qing Mansion renovation project was launched by THARD, CCA International, Tianjin University, and Nankai University in 2011. Building on the experience of Min Yuan Terrace, the guidelines for revitalising the Wudadao area changed, emphasising the importance of repairing the original infrastructure and ameliorating residents’ housing conditions. Prince Qing Mansion and the nearby Shan Yi Li and Run Xing Li buildings were renovated under special protection, creating a multifunctional community for cultural tourism, catering, leisure, accommodation, and conferences. Therefore, the Wudadao historical district became a model of regeneration, highlighting Tianjin’s urban heritage ideology and culture. This new positioning of modern history traces and tourist destinations has allowed the Wudadao area to host many creative experimental projects and attract many tourists, which has contributed to the continued revitalisation and rehabilitation of these modern historical areas (Fig. 5).

Fig. 5

Photo of the Xiannong Courtyard. The new appearance of the Xiannong Courtyard with the introduction of commercial tenants (Source: the author)

Xiannong Courtyard is another example of an architectural complex with a similar outdoor design and interior structure. The architecture consists of various components, including a common area and kitchen on the ground floor, while the upper floor consists of bedrooms, bathrooms, and storage spaces. Zhu (2016) observed that prior to the restoration project, the manager of THARD reported that the Xiannong Courtyard housed 130 residents and five companies, alongside numerous illegal buildings and material factories. From 2006 to 2013, Xiannong Courtyard was restored to its original appearance with a red brick slope roof. The renovation filled the gaps between historical and modern residential functions by adding an insulation layer on the roof and air-conditioning systems on the exterior wall, enhancing the self-protection function, and improving the overall fire safety of the historical buildings. The commercialisation of Xiannong Courtyard transformed it into a community-based cultural and creative block with art exhibitions, cafes, and restaurants, providing a leisure place for both locals and tourists. González Martínez (2017) contended that the concept of a ‘historical urban landscape with Chinese characteristics’ enables the organic involvement of people in everyday actions, allowing for the spontaneous enjoyment of heritage benefits. This creativity often manifests in the emergence of new contemporary commercial activities, which require flexible and minimal adjustments to the built environment. Such adaptability is considered crucial for maintaining a sense of continuity in urban heritage conservation (Fig. 6).

Fig. 6

Photo of Min Yuan Stadium. The new appearance of Min Yuan Stadium and recent tourist activity (Source: the author)

Originally constructed in 1962, Min Yuan Stadium, which is situated in the centre of the Wudadao district, was essential to Tianjin's sports development during its most prosperous period (Lu et al. 2019). The stadium lay dormant, serving only as a storage facility for outdated sports equipment until its complete refurbishment in 2014, transforming into a new iconic landmark. The adaptive reuse of Min Yuan Stadium aimed at retaining its architectural design, including the running tracks for the casual sports of residents, while enhancing its commercial offerings with the inclusion of restaurants, cafes, nightclubs, theatres, museums, and upscale retail stores on the ground floor. It hosted the only tourist centre for all the former concessions in Tianjin, which satisfied the conditions for applying for the national 5A tourism ranking and providing tourism-supporting services to enhance its attractiveness. Holding diverse events such as light shows, food festivals, and outdoor exhibitions turned the rebuilt stadium into a day and night tourist destination for people of all ages. Most of the renovation projects were carried out around Min Yuan Stadium, which acted as ‘a central point from where tourist activities radiate’ (Lu et al. 2019). Along with the renovation of Prince Qing Mansion, Min Yuan Terrace, and Xiannong Courtyard, that of Min Yuan Stadium has demonstrated how lines separating visitors from residents have grown increasingly hazy (Bock 2015), as well as how tourism activities are mingling with local ones (Gravari-Barbas and Guinand 2017). For many visitors, nightlife is now more in demand than museums or galleries, according to Smith et al. (2022), even though traditional architecture continues to be one of the most alluring features for cultural tourists. These rehabilitation initiatives bridge the gap between attractiveness and attributes and re-evaluate the structure of tourists’ motivations for visiting urban heritage sites. Instead of isolating the historic blocks, the Wudadao area’s design enhances accessibility to the neighbourhood, as well as population density, to support a day and night cadence of urban activity made up of locals and visitors. As Liu, Butler, and Zhang (2019) argued, these initiatives are in accordance with the historical urban landscape paradigm, which calls for incorporating urban history into the framework of urban development, from static conservation to dynamic change management.

7 Local challenges and opportunities in urban heritage conservation

The first challenge of urban heritage conservation is the high restoration and maintenance costs. Most historical buildings are public properties due to China’s state ownership of land, and the Bureau of Land Resources and Housing Management of Tianjin owns 70–80% of these properties (Leng and Chen 2017). Unlike other cities in China, the former concession's historical background complicated the types of property ownership. In addition to public property, there are enterprise property; mandate property; private property; Hong Kong, Macao, and Taiwan property; international property; military property; and religious property (Zhu 2019). Although most properties are owned by the municipal government, there are private landlords, such as descendants of celebrities, and shared ownership among retired public officials. The complexity potential increases the difficulty of restoring historical buildings when multiple stakeholders are involved.

Residents and landlord interviewees mentioned their concerns about the high restoration and maintenance costs related to historical buildings. According to the information obtained from the interviewees, historical buildings usually face problems related to water leakage and insufficient heating. These issues not only compromise the comfort and usability of these heritage buildings but also increase the daily maintenance costs. Residents’ restoration demands are centred on functional changes and improvements. They hope to modernise certain aspects of these buildings to meet contemporary living standards without compromising the building's historical integrity. However, government initiatives for preserving urban heritage seem to be more externally focused. While there is a pronounced emphasis on maintaining the aesthetic authenticity of building exteriors, such as roofs and facades, the financial support provided to residents for internal restorations is limited. Some residents express the willingness to restore the heritage building to its original appearance; however, the lack of urban heritage experts and engineers prevents the restoration plan from acting. Their expertise is critical in ensuring that restorations are both authentic and structurally sound.

The second challenge is historical building safety hazards. After the Tangshan earthquake in 1976, the historical buildings in the Wudadao district experienced various degrees of damage. Based on the information provided by the designer interviewees, most Western-style heritage buildings were originally constructed without proper seismic planning or force analysis. These historical buildings were particularly vulnerable to earthquakes due to technological constraints evident at the time and the oversight of Tianjin’s seismically prone location. Most previous studies (Leng and Chen 2017) have focused on criticising the loss of historical value during renovation projects. However, little attention has been given to the damage and restoration needs of these heritage buildings during earthquakes. According to the designer interviewees, postearthquake restoration should prioritise architectural safety and earthquake resistance and incorporate modern technology and contemporary materials such as modern steel. Thus, the supplemental renovation focus would be on increasing the practicality and durability of heritage buildings. However, this approach alters part of the original structure, original craftsmanship, and authentic materials, such as wooden structures, thereby compromising the authenticity of heritage buildings. While such restoration has proven effective in ensuring safety and implementing advanced structural technology, it deviates from the principle of urban heritage conservation. An illustration of such disputes could also be found in the renovation project of Min Yuan Terrace, where the main contentious issue centres around the partial dismantling of the original structure and its replacement with contemporary materials.

The other conservation challenge present in Tianjin is related to the complexity of the residential situation and incomplete information about historical buildings. Although the Tianjin municipal government established general specifications such as the ‘Wudadao Construction Management and Protection Plan’, the ‘Wudadao Rectification Plan’, and the ‘Technical Standards for the Conservation Planning of Tianjin Historical and Cultural Street’, it lacks monitorable, unified, and adoptable standards for urban heritage renovation. Simultaneously, most of these buildings are presently being used for residential, commercial, and office purposes, making it challenging to relocate the inhabitants and initiate extensive renovation projects similar to those conducted in the 1990s. The Wudadao district was initially built for the residential enlargement of the former British concession. With changes in the political and economic context, residents were no longer limited to high-income populations and celebrities. Multistorey cluster housing was common in the Wudadao district; for example, Min Yuan Terrace and Xiannong Courtyard were built as employee dormitories. After the Republic of China was established, the diversity of residents continued to increase. Government officials began to move into the area due to the collective housing allocation policy. The descendants of celebrities inherited property from their families. The Tangshan earthquake also led to an influx of low-income residents when disaster-affected people came to the Wudadao district to seek help from their relatives. These generational shifts have not only led to architectural or aesthetic change but also deeply influenced the social-cultural fabric.

The continuous alternation of social-political power and the subsequent influx of residents with different social identities and habits have not only enriched the diversity in the community but also compounded the complexities of urban planning and livelihood enhancement in the Wudadao district. According to residential interviewees, it is common for three or four families to share a decaying two-story wooden structure; some have lived in the Wudadao district for more than 20 years. Thus, it is challenging to achieve the coordination and support of residents for renovations solely for urban heritage conservation without economic benefits or livelihood enhancement. On the other hand, residents who are living their lives in this area have place attachments such as cumulative living habits, relationships with neighbours, memories, and an awareness of historical significance. Residents’ sense of place and affect can create a distinctive social bond. Marinelli (2009) argued that collective emotions wield significant power and can be employed at various historical moments to ensure the stability of the dominant group and uphold the prevailing social order. At the same time, the discomfort that people experience due to relocation can be explained by considering psychological processes, which can lead to public opposition to renovation initiatives (Devine-Wright 2009). Therefore, balancing the needs of residents with diverse lifestyles requires a deep understanding and meticulous consideration of the local context. The affective dimension of place attachment is crucial for evaluating how to combine adaptive use with historical and heritage value to enhance the social capital of heritage for communities living in cities. Urban development and conservation initiatives need to respect and accommodate the varied histories and cultures that coexist in the Wudadao district. The urban heritage conservation strategy is the outcome of a thorough examination of historical attractions, considering their present state, the demands of the local populace, and general urban planning (Chauffert-Yvart et al. 2020). The shift towards commercialisation has transformed the historical district into a distinctive zone that permits the development of residences, businesses, and other facilities, complemented by an urban management approach derived from an evaluation of the constructed surroundings and communal areas. In the next section, I will emphasise how the curation of authenticity in adaptive reuse is a strategy for integrating urban heritage commercialisation with a conservation plan.

7.1 Authenticity and adaptive reuse

Jones (2009) highlighted the dichotomy between materialist and constructive approaches to authenticity in the sphere of heritage. She argued that the materialist approach traditionally emphasises material fabric, original form, and function when experts who participate in conservation desire practical tools to measure wholeness and realness. From a materialist perspective, the commercialised use of historic structures is antagonistic to authenticity conservation. The replacement of commercial functions has directly influenced the functions of the original historic structures, modified the cultural ecology in the physical environment, and, to some extent, undermined the genuine authenticity of the building’s functions. However, with advancements in technology and architectural design, some original structures of heritage buildings cannot meet modern safety standards. When considering the reutilisation of historical buildings, the restoration process needs to find a harmonious balance between preserving historical authenticity and ensuring structural safety and long-term durability. In China, although there exists a national heritage framework, individual provinces and cities wield their autonomy regarding urban heritage guidelines. The degree and standard of conservation often vary based on the diverse perspectives of heritage experts and architectural designers regarding the authenticity of heritage conservation. Jones (2009) contended that conservation policies and guidelines often encounter difficulties in setting definitive authenticity criteria and underscores the significance of being attuned to the varied cultural perspectives on authenticity.

On the other hand, constructivists propose that authenticity is intertwined with cultural and social contexts, possessing the ability to acknowledge and navigate intricate networks of inherent connections between objects, individuals, and locations over time (Jones 2009). Thus, the implementation of urban heritage conservation relies on stakeholders’ awareness and perception of historical significance, such as the government, enterprises, experts, architectural designers, volunteers, and citizens. González Martínez (2017) argued that authenticity guarantees meeting present-day demands for rights within the constructed environment, especially for those who perceive the social space as a reflection of each society's mode of production. Chen and Li (2022) argued that the root cause of heritage building commercialisation is to maintain its development, and it is necessary to study the adaptable relationships among commercialisation, publicisation, and authenticity. In other words, heritage buildings should be considered an integrated entity of historical property and social life to propose a practicable balanced solution between economic benefits and social needs (Fig. 7).

Fig. 7

Tourists’ motivations in the Wudadao district. Proportional breakdown of tourists’ motivations in the Wudadao district in the summer of 2023. The motivation segments are divided into categories such as ‘historical buildings’, ‘cultural exhibitions’, and ‘local food and drink’. Each slice represents the percentage contribution of the respective category to the overall sample, providing a visual representation of the allocation of tourist motivations (Source: the author)

7.2 Integrating urban heritage commercialisation with the conservation plan

Figure 4 shows that 36% of the surveyed tourists were motivated by historical building attractions, 20% were motivated by cultural exhibitions, and 20% were motivated by experiencing local lifestyles. The remaining 25% were motivated by a combination of these factors. The survey results indicate that tourists place greater demands on exploring historical architecture than simple narrative cultural interpretations through museums or exhibitions. Experiencing a local lifestyle is the second largest tourism motivation. The Wudadao district is a mixed historical, commercial, and residential area; tourists can experience how the local population spends a day by cycling and sightseeing throughout the residential area, trying local food, and joining handicraft studios. The results show that the Wudadao district has the motivation basis mentioned by cultural tourism theory; it is specifically performed as a combination of historical site attractions, historical and realistic depictions, local lifestyle experiences, and cultural productions and exhibitions (Silberberg 1995; Richards 2001; Timothy 2014; Du Cros and McKercher 2015). According to Du Cros’s (2001) ‘sustainable urban heritage tourism model’, the Wudadao district has both a relatively well-preserved architectural complex and surrounding commercial stores, which ideally meets the prerequisites of cultural tourism development. According to Stebbins (1996 cited by Timothy 2014), urban heritage tourists can be divided into serious groups and casual groups. He argued that serious heritage visitors show loyalty to historical buildings to learn history and that casual tourists prefer to experience local lifestyles without a definitive underlying motivation. Although a large portion of tourists visit the Wudadao district for historical attractions, Liu, Butler, and Zhang (2019) argued that the infinite pursuit of authenticity conservation cannot meet the changing demands of different generations. The difference in tourists’ motivations usually depends on personal life experience and consumption preference, making it a complex variable to manage and predict. Thus, the conservation of authenticity should be viewed from a dynamic perspective when the value of authenticity for tourists is subjective and could be negotiable among regular tourists with different motivations.

Figure 8 shows that 52% of the tourists were visiting the Wudadao district for the first time, 36% of them had previously visited 1 to 5 times, and 11% had previously visited more than 5 times. The results indicate that the Wudadao district can attract new tourists and retain tourists’ loyalty as a regularly chosen travel destination. The tourists’ attitudes reflect that the Wudadao district has the potential for widespread and commercial appeal and that urban heritage tourism could be adopted in the historical district’s development focus.

Fig. 8

Tourism frequency in the Wudadao district. Distribution of tourists in the Wudadao district in the summer of 2023. The figure shows the percentage of tourists falling within each tourism frequency range of ‘first time’, ‘1–5 times previously’, and ‘more than 5 times previously’. The data provide a comprehensive overview of the tourism performance distribution within the tourist sample, allowing for easy interpretation and analysis of urban heritage tourism achievements (Source: the author)

Heritage value is gradually increasing in China due to current tourism promotion regulations and the commercialisation of cultural products. This could be related to the implementation of a series of government initiatives; for example, in 2010, the Wudadao historical district was chosen as one of the ‘Top 10 Historical and Cultural Streets in China’; in 2011, the Tianjin Planning Bureau designated the Wudadao ‘Historical and Cultural Streets’; in 2013, the State Council designated the ‘Wudadao Modern Buildings’ as ‘National Urban Heritage’; and in 2014, the ‘Five Avenue Cultural Tourism Areas’ were designated as 4A-level tourist destinations (Liu, Butler and Zhang 2019). The tourism emphasis serves as a lucrative development strategy employed by local authorities to foster regional competition and economic transformation. To overcome the challenges of insufficient financial support from central and local officials, it is crucial to manage the heritage conservation plan within a self-sustaining ecosystem, leveraging the sensible utilisation of historical structures.

As shown in Fig. 9, the self-sustaining ecosystem in the Wudadao district operates in five stages. First, the self-sustaining ecosystem starts with the conservation and maintenance of heritage buildings. Instead of isolation conservation and the limitation of ornamental value, the reutilisation and functional transformation of heritage buildings are emphasised. The second stage involves branding fragmented heritage buildings into comprehensive historical districts and attracting commercial franchising to promote urban heritage tourism. In this approach, modern and commercial creativity revitalises and integrates urban heritage into an urban lifestyle. By utilising the cultural and historical past as a tool for economic development through urban heritage tourism, the area gradually develops into a sustainable historical cultural district with economic regeneration capability during the third stage. This area provides economic benefits from the perspective of supporting small and medium-sized enterprises, such as local specialty restaurants, cafés, night markets, and handcraft studios, and increasing employment opportunities. The transition from static conservation to the dynamic management of urban heritage in the fourth stage further improves the vitality of the core protection area of the historic district by increasing its mobile population density and optimising its urban layout. In the last stage, the promotion of urban heritage tourism attracts historical reinvestment and provides financial support for the conservation of urban heritage. According to Timothy (2014), the conservation of urban heritage can be significantly facilitated by heritage tourism. This is achieved through the financial support it offers for conservation initiatives and by offering a justification for the creation of parks and designated heritage zones. The Wudadao theme park project, which is located in the northern part of the area, was recently launched. This project aims to link the historical landscape with the adjacent commercial district and enhance the quality of services for tourists. Fang et al. (2021) argued that the historic district plays a vital role in showcasing a city’s allure, serving as the foundational elements that shape the city’s unique character in a sustainable manner. Preserving and enhancing the visual quality of historic district landscapes can effectively reveal a city's historical context and unique features. Doing so not only strengthens the city's identity among its residents and visitors but also fosters a deeper sense of belonging, preventing the homogenisation of cityscapes (Fang et al. 2021). In the next section, I will focus on the effects of urban heritage commercialisation on citizens’ livelihoods.

Fig. 9

Self-sustaining ecosystem in the Wudadao district. Step-by-step process taken by the Wudadao district to achieve a self-sustaining ecosystem. The chart begins with heritage building renovation; proceeds through urban heritage commercialisation, sustainable cultural district development, and dynamic urban heritage management; and ends with the achievement of historical significance reinvestment. This figure provides a visual guide for understanding the complex and interdependent nature of how an ecosystem can achieve a self-sustaining economy (Source: the author)

8 The effects of urban heritage commercialisation on citizens’ livelihood

Scheyvens (2002) argued that urban heritage can be viewed as a tourism resource with the potential to have socioeconomic effects on destination communities that can significantly aid in their empowerment on all fronts, i.e., economic, social, political, and psychological. The Wudadao area is a mixed residential and commercial community located within the central city; the effects of heritage commercialisation and cultural tourism on citizens’ livelihoods are among the essential determinants of urban prosperity. Although the commercialisation of urban heritage buildings has attracted the interest of an increasing group of scholars, most related discussions have focused on the transition to commercial use; thus, there is a research gap on the effect of heritage commercialisation on citizens’ livelihoods. The dialectical relationships among human activities, access to public space, and social justice should be discussed. Researchers are considering building a sustainable urban heritage community to address the complex problems associated with urban heritage conservation, citizens’ access to housing needs, employment, public services, community identity, and democracy, in addition to discussing social exclusion in highly commodified historic places (Xu, Chan, and Yung 2012).

8.1 Community engagement and private‒public partnerships

The Min Yuan Terrace renovation project has demonstrated the power of community engagement and spontaneous citizen creativity by challenging government monopoly management for urban heritage conservation. Effective cooperation between stakeholders directly impacts the promotion of urban heritage commercialisation. The volunteer team established during the Min Yuan Terrace project appealed to a power transformation through the participation of different stakeholders, such as architecture designers, indigenous residents, retired workers, and students. Community engagement, citizen livelihood, and urban heritage commercialisation became deeply intertwined with each other. The recently launched project of the Wudadao theme park by the Tianjin Municipal Bureau of Planning and Natural Resources is the first experiment involving both private and public partnerships. According to the interviewees, the design of the theme park includes the contributions of resident representatives, history academics, and commercial merchants in the Wudadao district. Community engagement in urban heritage commercialisation directly determines its effects on citizens' livelihoods. González Martínez (2017) argued that the perception of heritage primarily depends on the extent to which residents are involved in the management of heritage sites, as well as their ability to access and benefit from the outcomes of heritage, considering that they are an integral part of it. According to the interviewees, community engagement is influenced by residents’ perceptions of historical value and economic factors; those who benefit more from commercialisation are likely to show positive attitudes towards urban heritage development because economic development directly affects quality of life. When residents are actively involved and benefit directly, they are more likely to take pride in their urban heritage and are motivated to preserve and promote it authentically. The active participation of local communities in decision-making processes is essential to ensure that commercialisation initiatives align with local demands, which could avoid potential conflicts between citizens and tourists on the utilisation of urban space. Conversely, without active community involvement, the commercialisation process might inadvertently stipulate cultural consumption through commodifying history and heritage, which potentially intensifies social inequality. However, this does not mean the uncritical acceptance of community empowerment. Urban heritage conservation requires conscious supervision and guidelines from the government. Reassessing the connection between historic environment management and modern urban development in light of the needs of local communities could mitigate the dangers of overcommercialising urban heritage, leading to more sustainable development (Fig. 10).

Fig. 10

Photo of commercial appeals in the Wudadao district. The commercial appeal of local residents, such as movable convenience stores and food trucks, in the Wudadao district (Source: the author)

8.2 Citizens’ access to basic living needs

Chen and Li, in their scholarly work, highlighted the risk of gentrification in the Five Avenue district when an influx of tourists commercialises urban heritage and occupies urban public areas and resources. They argued that overcommercialisation potentially reduces the city to a cultural commodity and undermines different groups of society's access to social and public resources such as urban culture and historic buildings. To evaluate the changes in citizens’ access to basic living needs, such as food, transportation, and urban space, this article analyses residents’ lifestyle behaviours in urban public spaces through interviews. Through thematic analysis of the interviewees’ transcripts, the results could be summarised as stable access to urban and living space, increased access to food diversity, and decreased access to transportation.

Concerning urban space transformation, expansive ground-level public spaces, especially visually sensitive spaces, such as the landmark cultural sites of Min Yuan Stadium, Prince Qing Mansion, Min Yuan Terrace, and Xiannong Courtyard, are frequently occupied by tourists on weekends or holidays. According to the resident interviewee, they are familiar with shuttling between the locally private lanes and alleys to conduct their daily living activities, as these areas as seldom disturbed by the foreign population. In addition, some of the indigenous residents would like to exploit tourism resources and conduct simple commercial behaviours, such as moveable convenience stores and food trucks. Residents’ positive attitudes towards urban heritage commercialisation resolve the potential conflicts between tourists and retain the utilisation of urban space through familiarity with the street layout and urban space. As more heritage buildings in the Wudadao district become accessible to the public through their transformation into cultural tourism destinations, this ensures that not only residents but also various groups can equally enter the historical district. According to the interviewees, they do not feel that urban heritage commercialisation accelerates the gentrification process in the historical district. In contrast, an increasing number of public and private properties have started to reopen to more populations during the heritage commercialisation process. This process does not discriminate against any segment of the population based on purchasing power. In contrast to many cultural attractions, the Wudadao district offers unrestricted and equal access to everyone without the need for entry fees. Those people who do not want to consume can still enter the district without constraints and enjoy the enhanced public amenities provided during the commercialisation process, such as free rest areas and written explanations of historical buildings. Fundamentally, anyone can embark on an architectural history tour, and opting to experience local food within heritage buildings is an optional choice. On the other hand, with the commercialisation of historical districts, more restaurants have been opened to give residents and tourists more food choices. Residents and tourists with different incomes and occupations have different basic living needs and different pay abilities, resulting in diverse economic and social activities in the Wudadao district. The diversity of population and activities is an important factor in enhancing vibrancy in historical districts. However, some of the residents expressed that the commercialisation process has decreased transportation convenience. Since most roads in the Five Avenue District are narrow with many alleys and one-way traffic signs, increasing tourist density congests traffic, especially during the morning and evening peak times. This traffic disorder decreases residents’ quality of daily transport as there are many schools and offices in the Wudadao area. The effects of urban heritage commercialisation on citizens' livelihoods are thus complicated and multilayered. It is superficial to argue that citizens’ livelihoods are either positively or negatively influenced. According to the interviewees, they could find a harmonious balance between the transformation of urban space and basic living needs with urban heritage commercialisation.

9 Conclusions

This article delves into the case of the Wudadao district in Tianjin, providing updated data for urban heritage research. The aim is to contribute to the literature exploring challenges in urban heritage conservation. The focus on Tianjin considers the role that local governments play in shaping policies for urban heritage conservation. Ultimately, the article aims to shed light on the possible balancing act between the commercialisation of urban heritage and the promotion of cultural tourism. Understanding how local governments can foster a city's economic development while prioritising urban heritage conservation is crucial. The final aim of the article is to examine the socioeconomic impacts of urban heritage commercialisation on citizens’ livelihoods to evaluate its relationship with urban prosperity in terms of social value and equality. Based on the analysis of tourist motivations, tourism frequency, return tourists, and interview data, the current article offers reflections on three major concerns.

First, inadequate seismic force analysis during the original construction led to varying degrees of damage to many heritage buildings during the Tangshan earthquake in 1976. This damage has not only increased the restoration and maintenance costs but also created conflicts between architectural safety and historical authenticity. Moreover, the socioeconomic complexity and generational shifts within in the Wudadao district pose challenges in accommodating diverse social needs and relocating a massive number of residents during heritage restoration projects. Second, the Wudadao district is suitable for sustainable urban heritage commercialisation and cultural tourism due to its extensive collection of heritage buildings and significant potential for commercial use. To maintain sustainable development, the municipal strategy should concentrate on striking a harmonious balance between utilising heritage buildings for economic benefits and preserving their authenticity and integrity. This equilibrium can be achieved through the self-sustaining ecosystem proposed in this article. Third, the effects of urban heritage commercialisation on citizens’ livelihoods reveal the analysis of urban prosperity through insights into the collaborative creation of social value and transformative power with citizens. Community engagement stands out as an essential pathway for policy-makers to better understand the social context and social demands. Private‒public partnerships facilitate the exchange of knowledge and power among diverse urban heritage stakeholders, including enterprises, experts, architectural designers, private and public landlords, commercial tenants, volunteers, and citizens. Moreover, urban heritage commercialisation has multilayered effects on citizens’ access to fundamental living needs, serving as another indicator of livelihood and prosperity.

In recent years, the increase in citizens' participation through various forms of consultation and collaboration has become a promising step towards shaping the urban landscape in accordance with citizens' needs and desires. This article contributes to this specific issue since it not only focuses on the difficult balancing act between commercialisation and urban heritage conservation in Tianjin but also examines the related impact on citizens’ livelihoods. Its added value lies in developing a new theoretical framework, namely, the self-sustaining ecosystem in the Wudadao district. The five steps highlighted herein can serve as a model for other local governments. This article suggests measures for improving areas with intricate socioeconomic contexts, elucidating how the commercialisation of urban heritage can harmonise with conservation efforts and achieve sustainable development objectives.